Non-balanced Dynamics of Post-communist Society

12 юли, 2012 | Публикувано в: Articles | Автор: Сергей Герджиков
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Sergey Stoilov Gherdjikov

Sofia University

Non-balanced Dynamics of Post-communist Society

SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PHILOSOPHY

CIVIL SOCIETY

April 25–27, 1997.American University in Bulgaria

St. Kliment Ohridsky University of Sofia

Rochester Institute of Technology

INTRODUCTION

Post-communism or the so called Transition of the ex-communist societies to democracy and free market economy, continued 7 years. We can make some conclusions.

As people in the army and after the army, some equal under communism countries become quite different under post-communism. Central European, the  Check Republic, Hungary, Poland, Croatia, Slovenia and Slovakia began to climb the way back to liberal-democratic stability hard, but resolutely. Others, like Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Romania, Albania and the Ex-Soviet Russia, Litvenia, Estonia, Latvia, and especially the Asian republics, became “weak students” and are leading a dramatic struggle against a real social entropy. They know well, that post-communism is not simply a way and entrance in the community of the western countries. They know hyperinflation, misery, everyday insecurity, frightful crimes and terrible wars. They could say, that post-communism is a shock and agony.

It is very simple from a physical point of view: life is a strain of structuring against the spontaneous entropy. You make resolute reforms or agonize day after day.

We can understand Post-communism as a transition from closed to open society in the sense of Karl Popper. Communism is totalitarian, man-made closed society and liberal democracy is the open society of Modernity and Postmodernity. (The transition of Post-communism is a parallel of the transition of Post-modernism).

My conceptual frame is a kind of social phenomenology, dynamised in an conceptual analogy to Unequilibrium Thermodynamics or “the theory of Chaos”.  The social world is a giant network of meanings. Social dynamics is the change in that network. Waves of meanings  come and go. Forces stand behind them. They convey the meanings and objectify them in signs and texts. The social macrodynamics could be described as flow or waves of big changes in the world of social meanings which are set in motion by macroforces. This is the situation in any system which is not in equilibrium. The flows (dissipations) depend on the tensions, the gradients and the forces and continue till equilibrium is established. The flows can be transformed through their own energy to create new tensions and new flows.

1. EXPLOSION AND STORM

There is hardly a more drastic change in history than post-communism. Even today it is still unknown how it will end up. None of the post-communist countries has reached equilibrium that could compare with the equilibrium of Western democracies. It is not clear whether the future equilibrium will correspond to the criteria of modern society. It might turn out that post-communism is a sort of chronic disease and it will never lead to equilibrium. In the best case a future equilibrium will bear the marks of communism.

The post-communist storm is created by the huge imbalance gradients of communism. What tensions does the communist catastrophe and subsequent stabilization remove and create? What does the catastrophe set free and what kinds of spirits does it let out of the bottle. A forecast needs a deep insight into communism. An unsound system is destroyed by its destructive tensions. Economic, political and cultural meanings and texts change fast. Stability which is maintained by force explodes and the waves, winds, flows and the storm of post-communism are unleashed. This dynamic state is so shaky that it can be defined as a shock.

What are the consequences of this shock? Will there be a normal market economy, normal democracy and a sound mind in the foreseeable future? And if the cost of a future equilibrium is that of deformations into which the communist forms have been transformed, what could they be? And if the equilibrium is packed with anomalies and sources of new waves that are not in equilibrium, what would they be?

The Reform is being carried out as a series of actions by the government to create a system of market economy and democracy. What chances does the ship stand? How do the “unhealthy flows” affect the attainment of the goals of the reform? Perhaps the waves displace the forces and meanings in a way which is essentially independent of the goals of government and essentially anomalous for the “normal state”. The anomalies may be chronic in the absence of forces to neutralize them in the foreseeable future.

So post-communism appears to be a period of intensive recovery with vestiges of anomalies and strong “side effects” and complications. The effects are unique and unprecedented in history.

Post-communism is unique. There has not existed such a phenomenon and there is not so far any theory of it. Nobody knows where would some of “bad” post-communistic transitions lead, as nobody knows what the effects of a series of earthquakes would be. So our understanding of the post-communism is in phase with its flow.

The post-communism is essentially chaotic, undetermined. It is in analogy with the “dissipative” structures and processes, which leads to the “metastable states” ( in the sense of Prigogine). This dissipative process is an effect of an explosion – explosion of the high tensioned communist totalitarian society. The result is some future meta- stable state – close or far from the thermodynamics equilibrium, from the absolute chaos. There are forces and flows in this dynamics – forces of wealth, power and mentality, and  flows of money, political actions and social thinking. In this non-equilibrium state the positive forces of the reform – the acts of the government, are in contraphase with the negative forces of free fall and illegal money-making, unhealthy and inadequate policy, and the conservative mentality of the closed society. In this period arises some new forms of mentality, power and wealth. They can be understood only as a network of rational actions (Veber).

 

2. ECONOMICAL ENROPY

Post-communism in its negative sense is a shock, decease. It is very hard and in some aspects it is a chronic one. It my turn out in an agony.

Here unhealthy money, power and unhealthy spirit mean money, power and mentality bearing the dirty marks of communism. As a total anomaly communism is transformed into new anomalies and does not vanish into the air.

The indefinite situation makes it possible to “pump” wealth and social power from the depersonalized state’s property and corrupted bureaucracy. The conservatism of the ex-communists, especially of the ex-communist government, is the most negative force with its trends to administer economy, to keep the loosing state production and to subsidise financial and real sectors. So, the flow of money is: budget or national bank – banks – state productive units – private firms of the people, close to the management of state production. Another flow is: national bank – private semi-criminal banks – bad credits for the close to bank managers people. After a hyperinflation these big debts are abolished.

 

3. POLITICAL ENTROPY

“Political entropy” is a term for unbalanced political dynamics, in which reform is in “contraphase” with unhealthy power and policy. It was born by the huge tension of totalitarian power. Each individual in the giant Building is assigned a definite place by the authorities. Every day millions of people are subjected to the pressure and humiliation by the staff, the bureaucrat, the boss, the shop assistant, the taxi driver, the manufacturer. The citizen cannot even think of free association and press. A lot of energy is concentrated on the survival under pressure. The urge for freedom in such circumstances generates huge tension.

Within a couple of days the wall of concrete cracks and tumbles down. Tremendous human energy spouts forth. People quickly realize that the time for active protests has come. They take advantage of the right to public rally, association and speech. Opposition organizations spring up and explosive diversity does not always stand for diversity of platforms. People are keen to experience the feeling of being the ones who exercise their civil rights.

The political waves that determine the course of post-communism follow the track which leads away from totalitarian unity. The explosion wave of crashed communism disperses radially the centers of political activity and political entities that spring up are too many for a normal democracy. The unhealthy wave of political speculation rises.

First, as with dirty money, it is the unhealthy wave that transforms communist power and forces into socialist. Postcommunism abounds in things unprecedented in history. The transformation of the communist totalitarian parties which are responsible for the catastrophe into legitimate political parties which have claims to rule again is most shocking. Discredited by their grave mistakes and crimes that are inherent in the very Idea and Practice of the Building and burdened with crimes that are now disclosed, those people clearly expressed their will to rule in the name of “change”. Thus, it became clear once again that their ultimate goal is power and nothing but power regardless of whatever moral and lawful justification.

Nowhere in Eastern Europe and in the former USSR did those parties disintegrate and disappear from the political scene. They had sound position which helped them survive and in defiance to the rules of democracy resorted to the mechanisms and institutions of democracy and to those of market to make their anti-democratic power democratic. They readily acquiesced to radical ideological change and upheld ideas and platforms which they had previously castigated for one single end: to retain as much as possible of their previously unlimited power. Like red money the red power rushed to the scene of the “political market” in a new coat.

The symptom of unhealthy power is not borne by the communist elite alone. It is the symptom of the masses of people who voted. It was a painful vestige of the slave mentality of communism. People were deeply contaminated by the “values” of poor stability, the peace of uneventful reality and the social “security” of the alms given by a state that had  gone  bankrupt long before. Political tricksters energetically took advantage of the fear of novelty and  of conservative pro-socialist mentality to take over power again. Populism has become the weapon not only of communists but also of new enemies to the democratic opposition.

The “dirty politicians” inherited the post-totalitarian mentality of an ambivalent attitude to power: Power is a lucrative job and arbitrary rule; Power is a good thing when “we” have it and terrible thing when “they” have it. Those people staked on the absence of political culture and on the utopian expectation of a new kind of society of justice and equality. With the socialist meanings of equality as distribution of welfare and not as the exercise of equal rights this mentality was slowly giving way to the mentality of production of wealth, individualism, responsibility, freedom and risk. But the purge is slow and even impeded  enormous difficulties in the life of ordinary people. The struggle to make ends meet even when the market is growing abundant, the low standard of living, social unrest and insecurity harbor populism and socialist illusions among the victims of socialism. It such conditions the real opposition to communism as an exponent of the idea of liberal democracy more often than not failed to enjoy the acceptance and understanding of the man-in-the-street voter.

So, in Bulgaria, The Union of Democratic Force’s rating was highest when the socialist government was discredited to the maximum two times: in 1990-91 and in 1996-97.  But as soon as the UDF team started the market reform in the beginning 1990, people realized that the new rulers could not “give” benefits enough for a peaceful and safe life and were very quickly disappointed. They waited the new government give them what they had expected for from the communists for decades. The majority simply did not know else to expect. Now the situation is quite different. UDF has some maturity and much more political and economic realism and rationality.

Despite the obvious “drift to the right” of the Bulgarian population, the drift from collectivism to individualism was not strong enough to suppress the growing disappointment with the “deterioration”. The UDF government which from November 1991 onwards is no longer shared is trying to check the fall into the abyss whereas the majority of people want to feel the positive effect of the new government in their pocket and on the table.

Therefore, the victory of democratic, moreover rightist political forces in Bulgaria in October 1991 is “unhealthy” in the sense that it does not rest a solid reversal of the electorate from communism to democracy, from collectivism to individualism and from totalitarian to liberal mentality. The new victory of the citizen society in january-february 1997 and the deepest crisis rests small place for old illusions. The wave’s processes in this country did not take the course of the Central European ex-communism countries Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, where communism was swept away  by a strong wave of opposition nor did they take the course of Albania, the USSR and Romania where the communists remained in power long enough to be discredited by famine, bloodbath, demagogy and helplessness.

Political equilibrium in Bulgaria rests on the dynamic balance of opposite tendencies in the forces and meanings and in the people’s action and thought and not on a monolith stability of the transition. On something like parity.

On the Balkans it is a tradition to treat power as something unclean. Beside corruption and debauchery the Bulgarians expect from the government a strong hand to solve the people’s cardinal problems. The individualistic ethos of independence from the state and the removal of the state from the lives of the people in this country have nit struck root yet. The Bulgarians pin their hopes of high wages, low prices, high pensions, stable security, free of charge education and public health on the authorities rather than on themselves. Even today, two years and a half after the communist catastrophe the Bulgarians object to the rich-poor division which is underlying the market economy.

For the majority the power has little in common with the concept of power in the West. The ruler is not a high place civil servant who plays a responsible role in the solution of economic and political problems. In the opinion of Bulgarians the ruler is preoccupied with how to become rich, “stuff himself” and grab what there is to grab. Those who take up politics are as a rule poor, therefore, they must be seeking a more spacious flat, more money, more overseas trips. Corruption is presumed a sine qua non but condemned at the same time.

This mentality which is partly to be found in the politicians themselves reproduces a flow of dirty power. No doubt this is a type of charismatic power which communism additionally strengthened and deformed.

The contamination of the new democratic institutions with the unhealthy law and power of communism is enough to deprive those institutions of much of their efficiency. The depolitized structures of ex-communist power – the army, police, secret services, overstuffed ministries and departments – do nothing, resort to demagogy, guard their lucrative jobs and oppose the professional approach to indispensable staff cuts.

 

4. MENTAL ENTROPY

Total negative discourse, value nihilism postcommunist mentality, totalitarian meanings, types of rationality and action block the reform, but it begins to work with new energy.

The people in Bulgaria and other postcommunist countries still find in reality and project on it theirs previously negative, passive, skeptical and unrisking thought and mentality. They see some hope not in some taking a risk and responsible activity, but in the government itself, in some increasing budget incomes etc.

The elements of dirty power and criminalisation of politics and economics for they reproduce meanings which otherwise they want to overthrow.

1. The collectivist and egoistic frame of mind dominates over individualistic and altruistic, if I could use these Popper’s terms.

The imposition of political relations on personal relationships is even worse. The political enemy is a very unpleasant and undesirable partner in informal communication. The political ally or party colleague deserves informal confidence and acceptance by presumption. An atmosphere of privacy of the ruling elite is created or rather carried on. This privacy is at the expense of outside control, rational decisions and actions and responsibility by everyone for what he says or does.

2. Authoritarianism and intolerance. The present rulers as an elite come from among the activists in the resistance a couple of years ago. They were the first to materialize discontent and paved the way by creating the opposition organizations. They have the moral right to enjoy the confidence of the electorate and they do.

It is easy to see that many of them are unable to govern. They are incompetent in politics, law and economics. But they don’t want to step aside, they want to make a political career. They have what they want in an authoritarian way despite the resistance of the public and of their organizations. A typical example of authoritarianism was the rejection of the decisions of a national conference by a group of activists in the former UDF Coordinating Council in the summer of 1991 when they formed an illegitimate body and founded new organizations in the face of the decisions by their forums. They tended to attach the label “totalitarian” to any collective democratic decision which affects their good status in the UDF’s hierarchy of power.

3. Chaos. Economical and political organizations in Bulgaria have been in chronic chaos for 7 years. However hundred years of party life has taught the communists some order. Their “democratic centralism” which virtually rules out opposition inside the party also helps. But the grand failure in the last two years of their government destroyed them. Democratic opposition comes from the space where communist organizations have not spread. At the beginning the opposition tended to destroy itself, but now it is a much  more organized force.

It is not hard to introduce institutions of the democracy and they are working well enough. But it is very difficult to evolve democratic mentality. Without it real politics is blocked and weak. So it is with the economy: The trust to the Bank system is a most important mental support for there’s economic existence and stability. So, mentality determine politics and economy at the times of transformation. Unhealthy mentality: apathy, passiveness, negativism, skepticism, disorientation, untrust, pure surviving strategy and avoiding risk, are the real ground for the slow pass through the reform.

In the politics, compromise, tolerance and sound judgment are needed to combine and make an utmost use of divergent stands and proposals. It needs strong concentration, accuracy, efficiency which the communist organizations failed to inculcate. Without discipline to bind naive democracy soon turns into chaos. People are not accurate. They waste their time and the time of the partners. They disregard the agenda of discussions. They are not good listeners. They don’t know how to extract the valuable core from different stands and proposals…

4. Lack of responsibility. It is a consequence of the lost habit to take responsibility for what is said or done in politics. As a totally irresponsible association of people who are not free to have their say communism nurtures lack of freedom as a lack of responsibility. The “Collective”, the “Boss” and the “Objective Circumstances” are the decision making factors. I am not the decision maker. I obey. My mistakes are not “mistakes”; they are products of circumstances or of decisions from the Top. Involvement in the government does not presuppose that the action shall necessarily suit the word; predominantly it boils down to making public addresses and appearances at political gatherings, newspaper columns, radio and television.

Just like businessmen, many politicians of today do not produce anything, do not write down programs, do not make laws and do not take decisions. Just like the profiteers at the pseudo market they speculate by the verbal demonstration of political attitudes, proposals and actions which are not their product. Thus they earn dishonest dividends for their profession, daily life and career. They make self-advertisement sometimes at the expense of potential rivals who have not been admitted to the political scene.

Those unhealthy components of the political process of post-communist change could generate new anomalies which as a matter of fact will be transformations of the total anomaly of communism. No doubt they will delay the democratic process in this country. They will be opposed by the forces of life, creative endeavors and morality in politics. The new institutions revive new meanings and create a “traction” for a natural selection which like the rational market will discard pseudo politicians, pseudo organizations and incompetent politician without sense of responsibility.

The flow of unhealthy spirit runs in parallel with the flows of dirty wealth. It is the dominating communist spirit of total apathy that has been preserved or transformed. Here apathy  is understood in a broad sense as shortage of sensibility, dull response to good and evil, insensitivity caused by the excessive number of injuries and deformation and corruption. It is the spirit of hacked and drab existence. This spirit – unchanged or transformed – covered the communist’s world and still covers it after the catastrophe of communism. It was apathy that prevented the explosion of the street in the autumn of 1989 and in the winter of 1997. It was apathy again that barred the way of the politically committed in 1990. The people “behind the windows”, the “socially vulnerable” and the politically indifferent people decided seven years ago and now tried to decide that Bulgaria should be a backward post-communist country.

Recovery is not always possible. The injuries of totalitarianism persist. Only people who lived with dignity under communism and had carved their niche to escape from humiliation are relatively sound in mind and free. For the majority postcommunism is a shock on their brittle, compressed and little world. The storm of post-communism found those people on their bent knees and scared them. Light is painful after a long spell of darkness.

The dimensions of communist apathy are the dimensions of the communist world. Each world has its own logic, space and time. Each spirit has its own truth, goodness and beauty. The logic of the communist world  is a “paralogic”. It is a world which by definition is being built. It is not “be”, it is “being”. It is changeable, slippery and dialectic. Everything in this world is and at the same time is not. Everything is it  and not it. “Voluntary” means to join for the fear of expulsion. “Compulsory” means for the sake of appearance. The “plan law” means that fake figures will be reported. In theory, practice is the criterion of truth; in practice, theory is the criterion. The main rule of this logic is: “Take more and give less”. Addressed to everybody it means: “Wait for something out of nothing”. This is the message of “They can’t pay me as little as I can work for them”.

The catastrophe of communism is a shock in the communist’s world outlook that is accustomed to such a communist absurdity. Again this outlook reasons in of the absurd “something-out-of-nothing” logic. He waits for goods without manufacturing them, for rights without responsibilities and for success without risk.

The moral dullness which communism creates has materialized in the dictum “Anything goes”. Democracy means permissiveness, lawlessness and absence of power. The permissiveness and the inability to plead quietly by the communists who until yesterday governed the country has the immoral implications of lack of quit and responsibility. People lose the habit of dignity and respect.

People lose the habit of prime honesty. Non-freedom turns into lawlessness. Criminal leanings benefit from such attitudes. The communist respect for property, dignity and freedom that the totalitarian rule successfully kept within certain “confines” is unleashed now as snowballing crime.

Dirty morality is focused on insanity to plead guilty. The communist Mafia is again the leading example. The question of guilt which was raised and broadly discussed in the first two years of port-communism has resulted in two sentenced and a few accused men. The communist party shocked the world with its reorganization after which it pleaded not guilty. Yesterday I stole, killed, tortured and oppressed. But today I am not what I was and I am not to be burdened with past guilt. If tomorrow I dislike what I am today I will make the same renunciation and be unblemished again.

The socialist leaders advanced the “theory” of political responsibility (it is to be wondered how such a responsibility is borne) and personal responsibility. None of the communists had the courage to say: “I am to blame for this or that” and the result is the sweeping social wave of immorality. If the comrades are not to blame for the consequences of a catastrophe which they have caused and from which they even gain, why should I be to blame for my little shady deal?

As an understandable reaction to communist immorality anti-communism becomes nervous, arrogant and aggressive. The energy of moral protest pours forth into a vociferous and lengthy vilification and then subsides and is forgotten. Guilt is not punished; it is just censured in public.

Most of the new anti-communism is nothing more than the rage of former and present outsider and riffraff who could not sell well under communism, however it was not their democratic ideas that stood in the way. When such people go out on the streets, provoke the quiet red demonstrators and sometimes resort to assault and arson, it is recommunization, not decommunization.

All this means that the moral cure communism is to purge and not to settle accounts. It is the inner cure of the mind, self-responsibility, risk and self-reliance, no reliance on the all-powerful State, renunciation of “collective responsibility”, slander, libels, insistence on guilt of which no proofs are adduced, the presumption of mistrust, malice and crime.

Decommunization in morality is to bridle your rage, to keep cool in the face of arrogance, to abstain, to be magnanimous and to show understanding for others, to have the courage to face a guilty man and to be normal as you try to prove that he is guilty in compliance with all rules of liberalism and democracy and finally to sentence him, if you can.

Moral decommunization is the powerful “negative entropy” of conscience and reason. It must overcome, swallow and remain a trait of a sound mind. The pendulum of extremes can gain momentum from evil and evil can snowball and crush the weak or take away the strength of strong souls.

The legacy of ignorance is a terrible scourge for the postcommunist mind. Communism is economically irrational. It inculcates irrational attitudes by making people feel helpless to live a rich life “in a normal way” and pushes them to dishonest tricks to get what they need daily. People are absolutely ignorant in the economics realities. They have no idea how the state wealth is generated and how it is redistributed. They live with the illusion that the government could generate wealth out of nothing as long as they know how to govern. According to the communist attitude to the economy the government institutions are absolutely responsible for anything: for my wage, for my taxes, for my job, for the prices in the nearby shop, for pensions, for public health, for education, for import and export, for electricity, for my life in the long run. The majority of Bulgarian peasants understand the possibility become farmers as a decision of government which forces them to cultivate land which is alleged to be “theirs”. When the government compels me to take the land and cultivate it, let the government supply the money, machinery, raw materials, fodder and market for me to work. It’s not me who sets the terms of my production. It is for the authorities to do it.

Total economics ignorance is a huge potential of inadequate expectations, inadequate discontent, inadequate passivity, inadequate protest. It is a wave of disappointment without understanding that may slow down the reform or restore communism in some forms. The post-communist political entities find legitimacy in the voice of mass ignorance. Besides, they largely share it. It is common in Parliament for socialists to insist on greater budget allocations to pensions, young families, public health and education while they say nothing as to where from the budget could receive the money.

This unhealthy wave will be an incredible obstacle to the modernization of the country. The soul will suffer a lingering disease. This wave dims and spoils the image of Bulgarians in the world. Even an insignificant gaff concerning Bulgaria is spread about while the good things are bypassed. And we ourselves  help to cast a bad image.

Awareness of the unhealthy wave is the beginning of revival. The spirit is invincible. It is stronger than the entropy of ignorance, untruthfulness, evil and ugliness. People are brittle but also tough. The more so are the people with a sound and creative mind. The genius of the nation will pierce the dirty veil if it is to survive with dignity.

Indeed the reform cannot do much to extricate the spirit from misery. But it can give less encouragement to evil, ignorance and tastelessness. The same holds true of the unhealthy waves of wealth and power.

 

CONCLUSION

The Post-communist transition is a non-equilibrium process. It is a storm after explosion. It is a “dissipative dynamics” in the sense of Prigogine. It could be understood as a set of non-linear trajectories, as a series of catastrophes, falls and evolutions.

This dynamics is generally directed to the new equilibrium, when the flows of unhealthy money, power and mentality will be not more fatally destructive for the social order.

This drama cold be a triumphal or a tragic one. The transition could be “good” and “bad”. This chaos under weak reform can turn out to some aspects of “recommunisation”. But the worst thing is the waves of criminal robbery of the social wealth. The decease of post-communism could be finished by social health or could be chronic and result in series of catastrophes.

There is a network of negative and positive feedbacks in the post-communist situation. It depends on two main dynamic directions: up, to the rational and health reform and reconstruction, and down, to the free fall and chronic crises.

 

LITERATURE

1. Popper, K. Open Society and it’s Enemies. Vol. I and II. London, 1995.

2. Weber, M. Sociologishe Grundbegrife. Tuebingen, 1960.

3. Gerdjikov, S. The Unhealthy waves of Post-communism. – Bulgarian Quarterly, 1994/2, pp. 163 – 174.

4. Gherdjikov, S. The political Attitudes in Bulgaria during 1993. – Sociological problems, 1994/ 2, 24 – 30.

 

 

 

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